China has emerged as a commanding force guiding the Global South's agenda at the 30th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém, Brazil, where negotiations kicked off on November 10, 2025, amid growing divides over finance and trade. Boasting one of the largest and most prominent pavilions at the event—strategically positioned near the entrance alongside host Brazil—the Chinese exhibit has drawn crowds of delegates, visitors, and business leaders for selfies, networking sessions, and showcases of green technologies.

This high-visibility presence underscores Beijing's shift from a behind-the-scenes player to a vocal leader, particularly as the United States, under President Donald Trump, has boycotted the summit for the first time in decades, creating a leadership vacuum in climate diplomacy. Observers note that China's pavilion, expanded from modest setups in prior years, features interactive displays on ecological civilisation and "Beautiful China" initiatives, signalling its intent to blend optics with substantive influence in the Global South.

At the core of China's advocacy is unwavering support for developing nations on Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement, the provision obligating wealthy countries to provide financial assistance for climate mitigation and adaptation in the Global South—a flashpoint that has stalled formal talks and relegated discussions to informal presidential consultations. Aligning closely with India, which speaks for the Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDCs) and the BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China), Beijing has insisted that this article forms the "backbone" of the 2015 accord, rejecting any dilution into broader, non-binding frameworks like the $1.3 trillion "Baku to Belém" roadmap agreed at COP29.

This lockstep coordination extends to adaptation finance, where both nations demand scaled-up, grant-based public funding from developed economies before entertaining "ambition" hikes, framing current shortfalls as a barrier to meaningful progress. A negotiator from a developing country praised China's stance, noting it reinforces the bloc's unity under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), potentially paving the way for a balanced outcome by week's end.

Trade tensions have further highlighted this partnership, with China and India jointly opposing Unilateral Trade Measures (UTMs) such as the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), which they argue impose protectionist barriers that undermine equity and hinder developing countries' green transitions. During a tense consultation described by attendees as a "collective therapy session", India's LMDC representative quipped that therapy should be mandatory for polluters, prompting China's delegate to retort, "Not just therapy—we need yoga and a massage," eliciting laughs while driving home the need for holistic support.

This synchronised push aligns with broader G77+China proposals, including a new "Belém Action Mechanism" to coordinate finance, technology, and capacity-building for just transitions, linking it to the Loss and Damage Fund and Santiago Network. As the summit's first week ended without breakthroughs, these interventions underscore a widening North-South rift, with the Global South accusing developed nations of evading legal obligations under common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR).

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Underpinning China's leadership is its dominance in renewable energy supply chains—controlling over 60% of global wind turbine manufacturing and exporting $3.5 billion in solar PV modules to India alone as of 2017—positioning it as a key enabler of affordable transitions for emerging economies. COP30 President André Corrêa do Lago lauded this role on opening day, crediting China's scale and innovation for slashing solar panel costs by 90% in recent years, making clean energy accessible to millions in the developing world, and fostering international cooperation.

Experts like Pooja Vijay Ramamurthi from the Centre for Social and Economic Progress suggest Beijing is filling the void left by U.S. withdrawal, with President Xi Jinping publicly committing to multilateralism and critiquing protectionism at pre-COP events. As Li Shuo from the Asia Society Policy Institute warns of the EU's multi-front trade confrontations risking alienation of the Global South, China's strategy blends economic self-interest with diplomatic heft, potentially defining Asia's decarbonisation path through integrated markets and shared innovations.

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