A wave of ethnic unrest is sweeping Upper Assam as indigenous organizations, backed by the state government, intensify the Miya Kheda Andolan (Miya Expulsion Movement), targeting Bengali-speaking Muslims accused of illegally encroaching on ancestral lands and forests. The movement, gaining traction in districts like Sivasagar, Jorhat, Tinsukia, and Golaghat, has sparked heated debates over identity, land rights, and citizenship, with over 2,200 families displaced in recent eviction drives.
The Miya Kheda Andolan, led by groups like the All Tai Ahom Students’ Union (ATASU), Bir Lachit Sena, and All Assam Motok Yuva Chatra Sanmilan (AAMYCS), claims that Miya Muslims—often labeled as Bangladeshi immigrants—are altering Assam’s demographic and cultural fabric. “Miya Muslims are changing Upper Assam’s demography, just as they did in Lower Assam,” said ATASU president Milan Buragohain, warning that indigenous communities risk becoming “exhibits in zoos” without action. He demanded their immediate deportation and urged businesses to stop hiring Miya workers, a call echoed by protests and boycotts across the region.
The term Miya, historically a pejorative for Bengali-speaking Muslims, has been reclaimed by some community activists as a symbol of defiance. However, indigenous groups argue their presence threatens Assamese identity and economic rights. Over the past 15 days, the Assam government has reclaimed over 11,500 bighas (1,500 hectares) of land from Rengma, Nambor South, and Doyang Reserve Forests in Golaghat, and Village Grazing Reserves in Lakhimpur, displacing mostly Bengali-speaking Muslim families.
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Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has endorsed the evictions, clarifying they target only Miya Muslims on forest and reserved lands, not minority-dominated char (riverine) areas. “Half of Assam’s land is available in chars for them. Why move to Sivasagar, Jorhat, or Golaghat? Where will Assamese people stay?” Sarma questioned, urging agitators to stay within legal bounds.
Bir Lachit Sena president Srinkhal Chaliha framed the movement as a defense of indigenous identity, not a religious conflict. “We’ll continue until illegal migrants are expelled,” he vowed, while AAMYCS opposed the Citizenship (Amendment) Act’s provisions for non-Muslim immigrants, demanding stricter verification. The All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) supported the drives but stressed verifying citizenship first, citing the Assam Accord.
Opposition parties, including Congress and Raijor Dol, have condemned the campaign, alleging state-backed vigilantism. Congress leader Ripun Bora accused Sarma of fueling mob violence, violating constitutional rights to mobility. Sivasagar MLA Akhil Gogoi warned of escalating tensions, while the AIUDF demanded police action against vigilante groups harassing Miya residents. Videos have surfaced showing groups like Jatiya Sangrami Sena issuing 24-hour ultimatums to Miya workers in Sivasagar, heightening fears of communal strife.
On August 9, 20 indigenous groups in Sivasagar set an August 15 deadline for “suspected illegal immigrants” to leave, planning a major rally on August 20 to escalate their agitation. They demanded shifting the foreigner detection base year to 1951 from 1971 and stricter tenant verification. Critics, however, argue the evictions disproportionately target Miya Muslims, many of whom claim long-term residency with valid citizenship documents.
The Miya Kheda Andolan and eviction drives have deepened Assam’s ethnic fault lines, raising questions about human rights, legal fairness, and the state’s complex history of migration. As tensions mount, the balance between indigenous rights and minority protections remains precarious, with Upper Assam at the heart of this contentious struggle.
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