Mukesh Sahani Stakes Claim For 24 Seats Ahead of Bihar Election

Mukesh Sahani, the 44-year-old leader of the Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), has emerged as a key player in Bihar’s caste-driven politics ahead of the 2025 assembly elections, leveraging the nine per cent electoral weight of the Mallah, Sahani, and Nishad communities, as per the 2023 Bihar caste survey. These riverine fishing and boatmen groups, part of the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) constituting 36 per cent of the state’s population, hold significant sway in northern districts like Vaishali, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Madhubani, Khagaria, Araria, Purnea, and Katihar.

Sahani’s demand for 24 seats from the Mahagathbandhan alliance—against their offer of 15—reflects a bold push for greater representation, signalling a shift among these communities from marginal players to potential kingmakers in Bihar’s intricate coalition landscape.

Sahani’s political journey is a tale of ambition and volatility. A former Bollywood hopeful with no personal electoral wins, he campaigned for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2015, switched to the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) for the 2019 Lok Sabha polls (losing all three VIP seats), and dramatically joined the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in October 2020, securing four assembly seats for VIP despite his own defeat.

Appointed Animal Husbandry and Fisheries Minister by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, Sahani’s tenure ended in 2022 after he criticised Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. His ill-fated move to field over 50 losing candidates in Uttar Pradesh’s 2022 elections and challenge the BJP in Bihar’s MLC polls led to the defection of his three MLAs to the BJP in March 2023, leaving VIP without legislative representation.

The Mallah-Nishad communities’ influence has historical precedence, with leaders like Muzaffarpur’s BJP MP Ajay Nishad, son of the revered Captain Jainarain Nishad, and earlier figures like Ramkaran Sahni, backed by socialist Karpoori Thakur. As EBCs, these communities rejected a 2015 proposal for Scheduled Tribe status, demanding instead the 16 per cent reservation benefits of Scheduled Castes. Their strong presence along the Ganges and in Mithilanchal and Seemanchal makes them a critical vote bank, which Sahani’s VIP seeks to consolidate by addressing their historical marginalisation by OBC and upper-caste leaders.

Sahani’s high-stakes demand for seats underscores a broader EBC awakening, challenging Bihar’s entrenched caste hierarchies. The Mahagathbandhan, comprising RJD and Congress, risks losing this nine per cent vote bank if it fails to accommodate him, potentially tilting close races toward the NDA or independents. Sahani’s mercurial “aaya Ram, gaya Ram” style—marked by rapid alliance shifts—places him at a crossroads: a successful deal could cement his influence, while rejection might push him toward political irrelevance. As Bihar’s electoral drama unfolds, Sahani’s gamble could redefine the state’s power dynamics.